- December 8, 2024
- 9:16 pm
- World News
On December 8, 1991, in the Belarusian Białowieża Forest, the leaders of Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus made the decision to dissolve the Soviet Union, which had existed since 1922.
This event shocked not only the communist elites who lost their power but also many Russians, for whom the collapse of the USSR symbolized the loss of former greatness, a sentiment that would later be interpreted as “resentment.”
Putin called this moment “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century,” despite more destructive events of the time, and led the country back toward the “Soviet imperial past.” In Russia, red flags, St. George ribbons, and images of Stalin reappeared, symbols of a return to past ideologies.
“This restoration led to an increase in Russia’s antipathy toward Ukraine,” wrote Leonid Nevzlin, “which continued its path toward independence and the rejection of Soviet imperial tyranny. This hatred became one of the reasons that led to the war.”
The collapse of the USSR was a unique event. Empires had fallen in the 20th century, but none was as powerful and ominous as the Soviet Union. Both in Lenin’s internationalist model and Stalin’s totalitarian form, the USSR was a mighty empire built on the suppression of its citizens, ideological aggression, and brutal repression.
Of the three countries that signed the dissolution agreement, only Ukraine truly turned its back on the Soviet past. Russia and Belarus, on the other hand, returned to it, replacing socialist ideals with great-power ambitions. In Russia, red flags, St. George ribbons, and Stalin’s image became symbols of this return. This restoration intensified Russia’s hostility toward Ukraine, which continued its journey to independence and rejection of Soviet imperial rule. This hatred became one of the reasons leading to war.
The Białowieża Agreement, signed by Ukrainian President Leonid Kravchuk, Russian President Boris Yeltsin, and Belarusian parliament head Stanislav Shushkevich, de jure ended the Soviet empire and created the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).
The final blow to the USSR was the Ukrainian referendum on December 1, which saw over 90% of Ukrainians affirming their country’s Declaration of Independence, meaning Ukraine was leaving the Soviet Union. However, formally, the Union still existed, and Gorbachev hoped to avoid the legal collapse if Ukraine signed a new union treaty.
Yeltsin knew, following a meeting with Kravchuk on December 3 in Moscow, that this would not happen. He openly told U.S. President George H. W. Bush that he would not sign the treaty under those circumstances because he could not imagine Russia in a renewed Union without Ukraine, but asked Bush to keep this secret from Gorbachev.
Yeltsin traveled to Minsk to sign economic agreements with Belarus, including ones about oil and gas supplies from Russia, but Gorbachev had sent him with a package of Union treaty documents, hoping that if Kravchuk, Shushkevich, and Yeltsin signed, the Soviet Union could be saved.
Gorbachev, by this time, was the president of a bankrupt state. All the resources were now in the hands of the new Russian president, except for the nuclear suitcase, which still belonged to Gorbachev, along with the army, KGB, and Ministry of Internal Affairs. Yeltsin sought to put an end to this chapter in history.
Hunting, Sauna, Declaration
On the morning of December 7, Saturday, Yeltsin arrived in the capital of Belarus with the Russian delegation. It included State Secretary Gennady Burbulis, the second most influential Russian official, as well as Vice Premier Yegor Gaidar, Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev, and Yeltsin’s legal advisor Sergey Shakhrai. The main goal of the trip was officially stated as signing agreements between Russia and Belarus on the supply of Russian oil and gas. However, during his speech in the Belarusian parliament, Yeltsin informed the deputies that his visit to Minsk was just the beginning of a trip, as he intended to create a new Slavic union of three nations in opposition to the USSR.
Kiev’s position remained unclear. The crafty fox was waiting to see whether any documents would be signed with Russia. By the way, he had come to Minsk with Prime Minister Vitold Fokin and two national-democrats: academician Mikhail Golubtsov and Vladimir Kryzhanovsky.
Shushkevich suggested traveling to Visukli to discuss the relations between the three Slavic states in an informal atmosphere. It was a government dacha in the Białowieża Forest, 8 km from Poland, where Soviet General Secretaries Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev, as well as their Hungarian friend and colleague János Kádár, enjoyed hunting.
The agenda included a declaration stating that Soviet President Gorbachev had lost the ability to govern the country and that signing a union treaty was impossible.
However, upon arriving at the government dacha, the Ukrainian delegation immediately went hunting, not waiting for Yeltsin, who arrived a little later, accompanied by Belarusian Prime Minister Vyacheslav Kebich and even missed dinner.
The meeting itself began in the evening. Yeltsin placed the text of the union treaty on the table, which had been agreed upon with Gorbachev and republican leaders in Novo-Ogaryovo several weeks earlier. On behalf of the Soviet president, he proposed that Kravchuk sign the document. Yeltsin said he would sign the agreement immediately after Kravchuk. By the way, the new union treaty contained a peculiar right to make amendments, but only post factum, after Ukraine had already signed it.
“I remember that Kravchuk crookedly smiled upon hearing this preamble and said, ‘No!'” recalled later Belarusian Foreign Minister Petr Kravchenko.
The conversation then turned to the Ukrainian referendum and its results. Yeltsin expressed surprise, asking if even Donbas had voted for independence. Kravchuk explained that there was no region in Ukraine where less than 50% of the population supported independence. He also stated that Ukraine would independently determine its future agreements and unions and categorically rejected any agreement aimed at reviving the Soviet Union.
“I didn’t even expect the Russians and Belarusians to be so shocked by the voting results, especially in traditionally Russian-speaking regions like Crimea, as well as in the south and east of Ukraine,” Kravchuk recalled later. “The fact that the majority of non-Ukrainians (14 million of them) so actively supported political sovereignty was a real revelation to them.”
Yeltsin listened attentively and became less insistent on signing Gorbachev’s treaty. He was finally convinced by Kravchuk’s question: “Boris, who will you be when you return to Russia? I will return to Ukraine as the president, elected by the people. What will your role be—subordinate to Gorbachev, as before?”
While Kravchuk was clearly not planning to sign anything, Prime Minister Fokin believed that some sort of union was still necessary. He spoke about the commonality of peoples and the economic interdependence of Ukraine and Russia. This was debated for a long time.
In the end, Yeltsin suggested drafting a new union agreement, one that would have nothing to do with the USSR and Gorbachev.
“Gorbachev must be removed. Enough! Enough playing the tsar!” Yeltsin exclaimed. With that, everyone went to the sauna, agreeing to meet after their rest.
When they reconvened to work on the agreement text, the Ukrainian delegation was absent—they had all gone to sleep. However, according to legend, Kravchuk worked in his room until 3 a.m. with some documents. He reviewed the draft agreements previously proposed by Gorbachev. Now, he had a request for his Russian and Belarusian colleagues: the word “union” should not appear in the new document. Kravchuk even objected at dinner when someone mentioned the word aloud. Thus, the term “commonwealth” was introduced, followed by the name of the international structure: the Commonwealth of Democratic States.
The Russian and Belarusian delegations worked on the agreement text until 5 a.m., writing and rewriting it by hand because no typewriters or typists were found at the residence. They went to sleep around 6 a.m. and woke up exhausted, while the Ukrainians rested well and read the draft with fresh minds in the morning.
The draft treaty was almost entirely agreed upon. The only condition was that it should be specified that the commonwealth should be independent, not democratic, as they understood that the former Soviet republics were still far from democracy. Thus, the name Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was born.
Billiards and Lots of Champagne
After breakfast, everyone went to the billiards room, which had now become the conference hall. Just before the signing, at Kravchuk’s request, the Belarusian-Russian version of the agreement began to be revised. They debated almost every point and made corrections. The situation was tense, and after the first article was agreed upon in the billiards room, a cheer of “Hooray!” rang out. In celebration, they opened champagne.
The agreement contained 14 articles, including full respect for the territorial integrity and borders of the independent states, joint control over nuclear forces, army reductions, nuclear disarmament with the right of neutrality and non-nuclear status, and the cessation of Soviet laws on the territories of the signatory states. The agreement essentially amounted to a coup d’état.
“We, the Republic of Belarus, the Russian Federation (RSFSR), and Ukraine, as the founding states of the USSR, signatories of the Union Treaty of 1922, affirm that the USSR, as a subject of international law and a geopolitical reality, ceases to exist,” the text stated.
The agreement was signed in Visukli around 2:00 p.m. in the foyer of the hunting lodge. Tables were brought in from other rooms, and chairs were taken from the living quarters. They found a tablecloth in the dining room. Journalists were advised not to ask Yeltsin any questions, as he had drunk too much champagne and could barely stand. When one question was finally asked, the press secretary of the Belarusian Prime Minister answered it. Yeltsin was able to utter only one famous phrase: “Well, if you understand everything…”
Hello, Is This Bush?
When Yeltsin sobered up a bit, he insisted on speaking with U.S. President George H. W. Bush to share the good news. Later, Bush wrote in his diary that he felt somewhat awkward during this call and was concerned about possible military actions.
“Mr. President, I must tell you confidentially, President Gorbachev does not know about these results,” Yeltsin repeated several times. “This new agreement is extremely important. These four republics produce 90% of the entire Soviet Union’s gross output.”
Although Kazakh leader Nursultan Nazarbayev had not signed anything yet, Yeltsin was confident that his signature would also be on the document.
“This is an attempt to preserve the commonwealth, to free us from the total control of the center that has given orders for over 70 years,” Yeltsin told Bush. “This is a very serious step, but we hope, we are convinced, we are sure that this is the only way out of the critical situation we are in.”
Bush tried to interject: “Boris, you…” but Yeltsin seemed not to hear.
“Gorbachev does not know about these results,” Yeltsin continued. “He knew about our intention to gather. Of course, we will immediately send him the text of our agreement because, without a doubt, he will have to make decisions at his level. Mr. President, I have been very, very frank with you today. We do not want to do anything in secret—we will immediately release the statement to the press. We hope for your understanding.”
In fact, Yeltsin was mistaken when he assured Bush that Gorbachev was not informed. Belarusian KGB Chairman Eduard Shirkovsky had already reported what was happening in the Białowieża Forest to Moscow and was awaiting orders from Gorbachev to “take action against this gang.”
But no such orders came. Instead, Gorbachev called Kravchuk. The Ukrainian president refused to take the call.
In truth, Yeltsin, Kravchuk, and Shushkevich all knew exactly what had happened. Were they afraid of reactions, or perhaps even Gorbachev’s revenge? Many years later, when commenting on the phone call between Yeltsin and Bush, Kravchuk would say: “It was done so the world knew where we stood and what documents we were adopting. Just in case, as they say.”
According to his recollections, Gorbachev wanted all three Slavic leaders in Moscow the next day. But neither Kravchuk nor Shushkevich flew. Yeltsin had no choice, so he was persuaded to speak to Gorbachev on behalf of all threeHere’s your translation:
Hunting, Sauna, Declaration
On the morning of December 7, Saturday, Yeltsin arrived in the Belarusian capital with the Russian delegation. It included State Secretary Gennady Burbulis, the second most influential Russian official, as well as Deputy Prime Minister Yegor Gaidar, Minister of Foreign Affairs Andrei Kozyrev, and legal adviser to Yeltsin, Sergey Shakhray. The official goal of the trip was to sign agreements between Russia and Belarus on the supply of Russian oil and gas. However, during his speech in the Belarusian parliament, Yeltsin told the deputies that his visit to Minsk was just the beginning of a trip. He intended to create a new Slavic union of three nations, counteracting the USSR.
Kiev’s position remained unclear. The sly fox was waiting before signing any documents with Russia. By the way, he arrived in Minsk with Prime Minister Vitold Fokin and two national democrats, academician Mikhail Golubtsov and Vladimir Kryzhanovsky.
Shushkevich suggested going to Viskuli to discuss the relations between the three Slavic states in an informal atmosphere. It was a state-owned hunting lodge in the Belovezhskaya Pushcha reserve, 8 km from Poland. Soviet general secretaries Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev, as well as their Hungarian friend and colleague Janos Kadar, had enjoyed hunting there.
On the agenda was a declaration that Soviet President Gorbachev had lost his ability to govern the country, and the signing of a union treaty was impossible.
However, upon arriving at the state lodge, the Ukrainian delegation immediately went hunting, not waiting for Yeltsin. He arrived a little later, accompanied by Belarusian Prime Minister Vyacheslav Kebich and was even late for dinner.
The meeting officially began in the evening. Yeltsin placed the text of the union treaty, which had been agreed upon with Gorbachev and the republican leaders in Novo-Ogarevo several weeks earlier, on the table. On behalf of the Soviet president, he offered Kravchuk to sign the document. The President of Russia stated that he would sign the agreement immediately after Kravchuk. The new agreement included a strange right to make changes, but only post factum, after Ukraine signed it.
“I remember that Kravchuk smiled crookedly after hearing this preamble and said: ‘No!'”, later recalled Belarusian Foreign Minister Pyotr Kravchenko.
Then the conversation turned to the All-Ukrainian referendum and its results. Yeltsin did not hide his surprise and asked if even Donbas had voted for independence. In response, Kravchuk explained that there was not a single region of Ukraine where less than 50% of the population supported independence. He also said that Ukraine would determine its future treaties and alliances independently and categorically rejected any treaty to revive the Soviet Union.
“I didn’t even expect that the Russians and Belarusians would be so shocked by the voting results, especially in traditionally Russian-speaking regions — Crimea, as well as the south and east of Ukraine,” Kravchuk later recalled. “The fact that the majority of non-Ukrainians (there were 14 million of them in the republic) so actively supported political sovereignty was a real revelation for them.”
Yeltsin listened attentively and became less insistent on signing Gorbachev’s treaty. He was finally convinced by Kravchuk’s question: “Boris, what will you be when you return to Russia? I’ll return to Ukraine as a president, elected by the people. And what will your role be — a subordinate to Gorbachev, as before?”
If Kravchuk definitely did not plan to sign anything, Prime Minister Fokin believed that some form of union was still necessary. He spoke about the kinship of the peoples and the economic interdependence of Ukraine and Russia. They debated this for a long time.
In the end, Yeltsin suggested drafting a new union agreement, one that would have nothing to do with the USSR or Gorbachev.
“Gorbachev must be removed. Enough! Enough of playing the tsar!” Yeltsin exclaimed. After this, they all went to the sauna, agreeing to meet after the break.
When they reconvened to work on the text of the agreement, the Ukrainian delegation was absent — they had gone to sleep. However, according to legend, Kravchuk worked until three in the morning in his room, reviewing draft agreements previously proposed by Gorbachev. Now, he had one request to his Russian and Belarusian colleagues — the word “union” should not appear in the new document. Ukrainian President even expressed his displeasure during dinner whenever someone mentioned that word. Hence, the term “commonwealth” appeared, followed by the name of the international structure — the Commonwealth of Democratic States.
The Russian and Belarusian delegations worked on the text of the agreement until five in the morning, writing and rewriting it by hand because no typewriters or typists could be found at the residence. They went to bed around six in the morning, exhausted, while the Ukrainians had rested well and read the text of the agreement with fresh minds in the morning.
Almost everyone agreed on the draft agreement. The only caveat: it was necessary to stipulate that the commonwealth should become independent, not democratic. They understood that the former Soviet republics were still far from democracy. Thus, the name “Commonwealth of Independent States” (CIS) was born.
Billiards and Lots of Champagne
After breakfast, everyone went to the billiard room, which had now turned into a conference hall. Just before the signing, at Kravchuk’s request, the Belarusian-Russian version of the agreement was reviewed again. They argued almost over every point — and made corrections. The situation was tense, and after the first article was agreed upon in the billiard room, the cry “Hooray!” was heard. They popped open champagne in celebration.
The agreement contained 14 articles. It stipulated the full respect for the territorial integrity and borders of independent states, joint control over nuclear forces, army reductions, nuclear disarmament with the right to neutrality and non-nuclear status.
It also included an important provision: Soviet laws would no longer have force on the territories of the member states from the moment of signing. The activities of the former Soviet authorities in the territories of the member states would cease. This agreement was essentially a coup.
“We, the Republic of Belarus, the Russian Federation (RSFSR), and Ukraine as the founding states of the USSR, having signed the Union Treaty of 1922, hereby confirm that the USSR as a subject of international law and a geopolitical reality ceases to exist,” the text stated.
The agreement was signed in Viskuli around 2:00 PM in the foyer of the hunting lodge. The tables were brought from other rooms, and the chairs from the living quarters. They found a tablecloth in the dining room. Journalists were advised not to ask anything from Yeltsin, who had drunk too much champagne in celebration and could barely stand. When one question was asked, it was answered by the press secretary of the Prime Minister of Belarus. The President of Russia could only utter one phrase, which later became famous: “Well, if you all understand…”
Hello, Is This Bush?
When Yeltsin sobered up a bit, he demanded to speak on the phone with the U.S. President to share the good news. Later, Bush would write in his diary that he felt a bit awkward during this conversation and was concerned about possible military actions.
“Mr. President, I must tell you confidentially, President Gorbachev does not know about these results,” Yeltsin would repeat this phrase several times. “The new agreement is extremely important. These four republics produce 90% of the total gross product of the Soviet Union.”
Although Kazakh leader Nursultan Nazarbayev had not signed anything yet, Yeltsin had no doubt that his signature would also be on the document.
“This is an attempt to preserve the commonwealth, to free us from total control by the center, which has been issuing orders for over 70 years,” Yeltsin told Bush. “This is a very serious step, but we hope, we are convinced, we are sure that this is the only way out of the critical situation we find ourselves in.”
Bush tried to interject: “Boris, you…” But Yeltsin seemed not to hear.
“President Gorbachev does not know about these results,” he continued, “He knew we were gathering. Of course, we will immediately send him the text of our agreement because he will undoubtedly have to make decisions at his level. Mr. President, I was very open with you today. We don’t want to do anything secretly — we will immediately release the statement to the press. We hope for your understanding.”
In truth, Yeltsin was mistaken when assuring Bush that Gorbachev was not informed. Belarusian KGB chairman Eduard Shirkovsky had already reported to the central office in Moscow about what was happening in Belovezhskaya Pushcha and was waiting for instructions from Gorbachev to “deal with this gang.”
But Gorbachev didn’t give the order. Instead, he called Kravchuk. The Ukrainian President refused to talk.
In fact, Yeltsin, Kravchuk, and Shushkevich all understood very well what had happened. Were they afraid of reactions, or maybe even revenge from Gorbachev? Many years later, commenting on the phone call between Yeltsin and Bush, Kravchuk would say: “This was done so that the world would know where we stood and what documents we were adopting. Just in case, as they say.”
AccordingThis is a detailed recount of the pivotal events that took place in December 1991, during the formation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), marking a crucial moment in the dissolution of the Soviet Union.
The narrative highlights key figures involved: Boris Yeltsin, Leonid Kravchuk (President of Ukraine), Stanislav Shushkevich (President of Belarus), and various leaders from Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus. The events unfold at a government dacha in Viskuli (part of the Belovezhskaya Pushcha), where Yeltsin, Kravchuk, and Shushkevich discussed the future of the USSR in an informal atmosphere, even engaging in activities like hunting and billiards during the deliberations. The talks culminated in the decision to dissolve the Soviet Union, replacing it with a new political arrangement known as the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), with the explicit agreement that the Soviet Union ceased to exist as a geopolitical entity.
Notably, the leaders worked late into the night to draft the final text, which removed the term “union” and instead focused on a “commonwealth” that would respect the sovereignty of each republic. Despite efforts to maintain economic ties, the leaders rejected Gorbachev’s attempts to preserve the USSR and pushed for greater independence from central control. Yeltsin’s phone conversation with U.S. President George H. W. Bush further emphasized the significance of the agreement, signaling to the world that the old Soviet structure was crumbling.
Ultimately, the CIS was formed, and the signatories affirmed that the USSR no longer existed. This event had lasting consequences for the geopolitics of the region, establishing a new order in the former Soviet space, with each republic seeking to chart its own course.
The detailed breakdown of these events sheds light on the complex dynamics between the leaders and the geopolitical shifts that took place in this pivotal moment of history.
